By Deana A. Rohlinger
Weaving jointly analyses of archival fabric, information assurance, and interviews performed with reporters from mainstream and partisan shops in addition to with activists around the political spectrum, Deana A. Rohlinger reimagines how activists use quite a few mediums, occasionally concurrently, to agitate for - and opposed to - criminal abortion. Rohlinger's in-depth pix of 4 teams - the nationwide correct to existence Committee, deliberate Parenthood, the nationwide association for ladies, and anxious girls for the USA - illuminates whilst teams use media and why they may decide to keep away from media awareness altogether. Rohlinger expertly finds why a few activist teams are extra determined than others to draw media consciousness and sheds gentle on what this suggests for coverage making and felony abortion within the twenty-first century.
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Additional info for Abortion Politics, Mass Media, and Social Movements in America
Together, these pressures create a consensus regarding the Reputation and strategic choice in the journalistic ﬁeld 33 day’s news and have a homogenizing effect on coverage (Gamson, Croteau, Hoynes, and Sasson 1992). The focus on isomorphism, however, obscures the fact that institutional ﬁelds are fairly heterogeneous. An actor situates itself relative to other players in a ﬁeld and, in doing so, establishes how it is similar to and different from other actors (Deephouse 1999; Whetten 2006). In the “journalistic ﬁeld,” which is comprised of a broad spectrum of news outlets including mainstream and partisan news venues, news blogs, local newspapers, and community news sites, outlets strategically situate themselves relative to one another in an effort to attract an audience (Benson and Neveu 2005; Bourdieu 1998a; Rohlinger 2007).
These activities rarely go unanswered for fear that oppositional arguments may gain traction and bring about political change. Organizations, in other words, craft strategies to stymie their opponents’ progress (Lo 1982). This rarely is an easy task. An organization is not always equipped to confront its foes in a given venue (Meyer and Staggenborg 1996). A group with strong grassroots chapters, for instance, may initiate state-level lobbying programs in an effort to push through legislation. Unless they have similar grassroots strength, opposing groups may ﬁnd it difﬁcult to disrupt their adversaries’ efforts.
More importantly, the rewards associated with media attention mean that there are not a lot of incentives for allies to cooperate with one another (Bob 2005). Competition, in short, shapes an organization’s media strategy. Competitive dynamics may be particularly relevant to organizationally dense and diverse movements. Scholars have long emphasized the importance of movement-level characteristics to the strategies and outcomes of social movements (Gerlach and Hine 1970; Minkoff 1997; Olzak and Ryo 2007).