Download From the New Deal to the New Right: Race and the Southern by Joseph E. Lowndes PDF

By Joseph E. Lowndes

The position the South has performed in modern conservatism is likely to be the main consequential political phenomenon of the second one 1/2 the 20 th century. The region’s transition from Democratic stronghold to Republican base has usually been seen as a up to date prevalence, person who mostly stems from a 1960s-era backlash opposed to left-leaning social routine. yet as Joseph Lowndes argues during this booklet, this rightward shift used to be no longer inevitably a average reaction through alienated whites, yet particularly the results of the long term improvement of an alliance among Southern segregationists and northern conservatives, teams who before everything shared little past competition to express New Deal imperatives. Lowndes focuses his narrative at the formative interval among the top of the second one global warfare and the Nixon years. through the 1948 Dixiecrat rebellion, the presidential campaigns of George Wallace, and renowned representations of the area, he exhibits the numerous ways that the South replaced in the course of those many years. Lowndes strains how a brand new alliance started to emerge by means of extra studying the pages of the nationwide overview and Republican party-building efforts within the South in the course of the campaigns of Eisenhower, Goldwater, and Nixon. the original features of yank conservatism have been solid within the crucible of race family within the South, he argues, and his research of party-building efforts, nationwide associations, and the thoughts of specific political actors offers a willing check out the ideology of contemporary conservatism and the Republican social gathering.

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Extra resources for From the New Deal to the New Right: Race and the Southern Origins of Modern Conservatism

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The proposed amendment promoted by the group was composed of six provisions: First, that “Congress . . make no law . . ” Fourth, that the “proceeds of all income, profit, estate, gift and inheritance taxes, not expended on the armed forces and our veterans and their dependents be . . ” Fifth, that the “national debt . . 51 Evidence of this shift is made clear in a letter to Thurmond from Birmingham Post columnist John Temple Graves. Graves was a major public voice in southern politics and had been a noted New Dealer.

According to Collins, the use of the word was misapplied. “No such definition can be found in the dictionary. ”12 Reminiscent of Nietzsche’s assertion that this modern notion is merely an updated form of Judeo-Christian morality, Collins asserted that “the current concept of ‘democracy’ as a rule of personal conduct . . ”13 The discursive link between democracy and racial equality in the social sphere was indeed strengthened during the 1940s, particularly in relation to World War II. Democratic rhetoric was critical in the war against racial fascism, but such language inevitably raised questions about democracy and race at home.

Ferguson doctrine of separate but equal. McLau- “WHITE SUPREMACY IS A POLITICAL DOCTRINE” rin v. Oklahoma State Regents struck down segregation in graduate schools and Sweatt v. Painter did the same for law schools. The Dixiecrat defeat in 1948 now receded into the distance as neo-bourbon sentiment built in opposition to the growing threat to segregation; southern liberalism began taking serious blows. In the 1950 election, two pro–civil rights populist liberals, Senators Claude Pepper of Florida and Frank Graham of North Carolina, were felled in primary elections by segregationist opposition.

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